quarta-feira, 11 de junho de 2014

Vai ter NINJA! Lançado o novo portal http://www.midianinja.org




Comover, viralizar, politizar! As vésperas da Copa do Mundo no Brasil, Mídia Ninja lança plataforma colaborativa e rede social voltada para o midiativismo e para o jornalismo cidadão. Fruto de uma parceria com a plataforma Oximity, radicalizamos nossa proposta, apostando na produção colaborativa, no financiamento coletivo e na livre distribuição de todos os nossos conteúdos. 

Foi em junho de 2013, quando todo o país foi tomado por manifestações, que nos tornamos uma alternativa de mídia independente. A multidão, que para muito além dos 20 centavos, se manifestava por mais direitos e por mais democracia, ao chegar em casa das ruas e se ver na televisão filmada a partir de helicópteros e descrita por apresentadores que os chamavam de vândalos, buscou nas redes novas representações. 

No meio de “tiro, porrada e bomba” e de toda a repressão e criminalização dos movimentos que se seguiu, os ninjas criaram uma rede de colaboração em todo o Brasil, pelo interior e capitais, transformando o streamming, a linguagem do fotojornalismo e a cobertura em tempo real das ruas em uma nova forma de mobilização. Desde então, seguimos ajudando a criar ondas de participação e viralização nas redes em sinergia com milhares de ativistas e movimentos.

Tudo isso é apenas o começo! Estamos juntos! Afinal, Junho é o aniversário de Junho! Hora de fortalecer as lutas globais e o movimento midialivrista no Brasil. 

Somos Todos Ninjas!

Street Art & Graffiti collection: Brazil's streets FUCK OFF to FIFA

Brazilians streets screaming out their discontent!

Suggested reading:

“Throw FIFA Out of the Game”,
 The New York Times article by Dave Zirin,
author of “Brazil’s Dance With The Devil”
"Most people associate FIFA, the organization that oversees international soccer, with the quadrennial joy of the World Cup. But as the 2014 tournament begins next week in Brazil, FIFA is plagued by levels of corruption, graft and excess that would shame Silvio Berlusconi. (…) In Brazil, site of the 2014 World Cup, the FIFA-driven push to build new stadiums at a breakneck pace has led to the deaths of nine construction workers. FIFA’s demands for security and infrastructure may end up displacing as many as 250,000 poor people, who live in the favelas surrounding Brazil’s urban centers. The cost of the games continues to tick upward, the latest figures climbing as high as $15 billion. (…) Finally, the world is seeing FIFA for what it is: a stateless conglomerate that takes bribes while acting as a battering ram for world leaders who want to use the majesty of the World Cup to push through their development agendas at great human cost.” - David Zirin
READ FULL ARTICLE

REBLOG ON TUMBLR

sexta-feira, 9 de maio de 2014

"O Enigma de Junho" - Série de artigos de Idelber Avelar explora legado da ditadura, crise da representatividade, Passe Livre, dentre outros ingredientes...


"Há que se virar pelo avesso, então, as perguntas que ocuparam os analistas: como é possível que as massas saiam assim às ruas num país de quase pleno emprego, como o Brasil, que está longe das obscenas taxas de desemprego da Espanha? Como é possível que isso aconteça num país em que não há ressentimento ante uma tirania, como foi o caso no Egito da Primavera Árabe? Como isso é possível, perguntavam-se, num país em que recentemente 30 milhões de pessoas ascenderam à classe media e um pacto de classes bem-sucedido, o lulismo, ancorado na figura de um notável estadista, parecia ter domesticado todo conflito? Essas perguntas acerca de como é possível que isso esteja acontecendo cumpriram o papel de mascarar o fato de que a pergunta que importa de verdade é a oposta, ou seja: como é possível que isso não tenha ocorrido antes? Como é possível que isso não tenha acontecido durante duas décadas? Muito especialmente, como é possível que isso não tenha ocorrido na última década, a do lulismo? 
O pacto lulista se ancora na incorporação de uma ampla parcela dos mais pobres ao consumo - ao consumo, não à cidadania, ou em boa parte dos casos à cidadania entendida como consumo - sem que nenhum privilégio dos mais ricos seja tocado. Isso se torna possível, claro, somente num contexto em que o bolo esteja continuamente crescendo, o que ocorreu na década passada graças ao boom das commodities que o Brasil exporta em grande quantidade. Muitas das políticas de ascensão social do lulismo foram instrumentos de uma proletarização de formas de vida e de convivência com a floresta ou com o semi-árido, por exemplo, que tanto o neoliberalismo de Fernando Henrique como o desenvolvimentismo petista não podiam senão ver como pré-capitalistas ou pré-modernos, predestinados a morrer, em suma. No caso da Amazônia, essa troca (a passagem de um modo de vida com certa conversa com o entorno selvático a outro modo de vida no qual esse entorno serve como matéria-prima e substrato sacrificial de uma modernização movida a hidrelétricas, pecuária extensiva e soja) se produz intensamente durante os anos Lula e chega neste momento, não é exagerado propô-lo, ao seu esgotamento como pacto." - Idelber Avelar
Um novo Junho vem aí e nada mais oportuno do que relembrar as jornadas de Junho do ano passado - um mês histórico para os movimentos sociais e mobilizações populares no Brasil. Confira a série de 4 artigos de Idelber Avelar - um trabalho jornalístico primoroso - sobre “O Mistério de Junho”:

I: Os protestos de 2013 e a Amazônia

II: Os protestos de 2013 e o legado da ditadura

III: Os protestos de 2013 e a quebra do pacto lulista

IV: Os protestos de 2013 e a crise de representatividade


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Confira também:

segunda-feira, 7 de abril de 2014

“Raízes e Frutos da Rebelião” – Comentários sobre a luta dos Zapatistas mexicanos contra o Capitalismo Neoliberal (por Eduardo Carli de Moraes)

CddeMexico

“To kill oblivion with a little memory,
we cover our chests with lead and hope.”

SUBCOMANDANTE MARCOS,
Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN).
In: 'Our Word is Our Weapon: Selected Writings',
Foreword: José Saramago (Nobel Prize In Literature)
Published by Seven Stories Press (New York, 2003, Pg. 100.)


PART I - THE BIG-BELLIED BEAST
AGAINST THE GRASS-ROOTS RESISTANCE


CHAPTER I - CHIAPAS LOSES BLOOD THROUGH MANY VEINS

“We are a product of 500 years of struggle: first, led by insurgents against slavery during the War of Independence with Spain; then to avoid being absorbed by North American imperialism; then to proclaim our constitution and expel the French empire from our soil; later when the people rebelled against Porfirio Diaz's dictatorship, which denied us the just application of the reform laws, and leaders like Villa and Zapata emerged...” - First Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, January 2, 1994

EZLNIn the mountains and jungles of the Mexican southeast, an insurrection explodes in January 1st, 1994. Several municipalities in the province of Chiapas are taken over by the armed rebels that call themselves Zapatistas, followers of the legacy of Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata (1879-1919).

Led by the campesinos and the indigenous populations of Chiapas, this neo-zapatist movement blossoms into the spotlight of the world's arena in exactly the same day of the implementation of NAFTA, the Free Trade Agreement of the North American countries.

From day one, it was made quite clear by the rebels that one of the objectives of EZLN's uprising was to be an obstacle to the implementation of Free Trade policies in Mexico. The economical set-up of Neoliberalism (based on privatization, free competition, consumerism etc.), argues the Zapatistas, is nothing but an authoritarian imposition of rules made-up by “the world of money”:
“The world of money, their world, governs from the stock exchanges. Today, speculation is the principal source of enrichment, and at the same time the best demonstration of the atrophy of our capacity to work. Work is no longer necessary in order to produce wealth; now all that is needed is speculation. Crimes and wars are carried out so that the global stock exchanges may be pillaged by one or the other. Meanwhile, millions of women, millions of youths, millions of indigenous, millions of homosexuals, millions of human beings of all races and colors, participate in the financial markets only as a devalued currency, always worth less and less, the currency of their blood turning a profit. The globalization of markets erases borders for speculation and crime and multiplies borders for human beings. Countries are obliged to erase their national border for money too circulate, but to multiply their internal borders.” - (Marcos, Unveiling Mexico, p. 117)
Wall Street and Washington join hands and try to persuade Mexicans that "Free Trade" will be a marvel for Mexico, but Mexicans have every reason to be suspicious of their neighbor who stole from it a big slice of territory in bygone years. Today, at the frontier that separates the countries, the yankees have built up a huge Wall of Segregation, and soldiers with license to kill can deal with illegal immigrants in very unbrotherly ways.  The same country responsible for La Migra (and Guantánamo Bay, and Abu Ghraib detention facility...) preaches the Free Trade gospel as if it was salvation.

The men and women who have arisen to speak out their discontent in Chiapas are yet to be fully heard by the world-at-large. Artists and writers have helped spread their voices, from Manu Chao and Rage Against the Machine, to José Saramago and Eduardo Galeano. 20 years later, the Zapatistas are still struggling against the powers that want to crush human dignity in the bloody altars of profit. And if the Zapatistas' scream has the potentiality to be heard and comprehended all around the world, it's because they accuse the established capitalist system of committing crimes that are visible worldwide, in many different countries: ecological devastation; ethnical genocide of indigenous populations and destruction of their cultures; concentration of capital in the hands of a few multinational corporations etc.

Zapatismo has been called the first revolutionary movement of the Internet-era, the avant-garde guerrilla that's pioneering the ways to be followed by the guerrillas of tomorrow. But reactionary political powers have been violently trying to silence their voices – and the “money world”, also referred to by Marcos as "The Beast", doesn't refrain from methods such as military agression, police repression,  institutionalized murder, and para-military militias. All in order to maintain the Order imposed by The World of Money and to bury the voices of these “indians”, covered in masks and carrying guns, that insist in demanding social justice, autonomy and real democracy.

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Marcos describes Chiapas's tragedies very vividly in his poetry-filled words: “This land continues to pay tribute to the imperialists”, writes the insurgent Zapatista, “and there's a thousand teeth sunk into the throat of the Mexican Southeast” (Unveiling Mexico, 1992, pg. 22-23). Would the indigenous populations of southeast Mexico have risen in rebellion if the suffering they endured hadn't become unbearable?
“In times past, wood, fruits, animals, and men went to the metropolis through the veins of exploitation, just as they do today. Like the banana republics, but at the peak of neoliberalism and 'libertarian revolutions', the Southeast of Mexico continues to export raw materials, just as it did 500 years ago. It continues to import capitalism's principal product: death and misery.
The health conditions of the people of Chiapas are a clear example of the capitalist imprint: 1.5 million people have no medical services at their disposal. There are 0,2 clinics for every 1.000 inhabitants, 1/5 of the national average. There are 0,3 hospital beds for every 1.000 Chiapanecos, 1/3 the amount in the rest of Mexico... Health and nutrition go hand in hand with poverty. 54% of the population of Chiapas suffers from malnutrition, and in the highlands and forest this percentage increases to 80%.... This is what capitalism leaves as payment for everything that it takes away. (...) Chiapa's experience of exploitation goes back for centuries. ” - Sub Marcos, Unveiling Mexico
In Subcomandante Marcos' political tought, which seems to be deeply rooted in an understanding of Latin America's reality similar to Eduardo Galeano's, Imperialism is the name of the beast which has it's thousands of teeths sunk into Chiapas neck – and so many numberless others places on this Earth where 85 flesh-and-blood earthlings retain the same amount of wealth as half of the world's population (according to Oxfam). Welcome to the established economical and political orden in 3rd planet from the Sun, a place of extreme inequality in which the criminal status quo is defended by armies and warmongers, for the profit of speculators, gangsters and banksters.
“A handful of businesses - one of which is the Mexican state - take all the wealth out of Chiapas and in exchange leave behind their mortal and pestilent mark..(...) Pemex has 86 teeth sunk into the townships of Estación Juárez, Reforma, Ostuacán, Pichucalco, and Ocosingo. Every day they suck out 92.000 barrels of oil and 517.000.000.000 cubic feet of gas. They take away the petroleum”, states Marcos, “and in exchange leave behind the mark of capitalism: ecological destruction, agricultural plunder, hyperinflation, alcoholism, prostitution, and poverty.”
It's easy to delineate the image of the Enemy in the Zapatistas' hearts: the face of the big-bellied beast of Greed. Imperialism is dirty business, greediness in action, devastating egotism that turns nations into vampires that suck the life-blood of others. Besides the petroleum that gets sucked out of Chiapas by greedy oil companies, another similar process affects the production of coffee: 35% of Mexico's coffee is produced in Chiapas, but more than 50% of Chiapas' coffee production is exported. The campesinos that work in the fields to produce it have terribly inadequate life-conditions of nourishment, health, education etc. The true producers are dying of hunger and disease while foreign powers ride on golden streets of robbed privilege.

The list can be enriched with many other “commodities” that are sucked-out of Chiapas to feed, elsewhere, the belly of the beast. There are 3.000.000 animals waiting to be slaughtered for beef in Chiapas: “the cattle are sold for 400 pesos per kilo by the poor farmers and resold by the middlemen and businessmen for up to 10 times the price they paid for them.” (Unveiling Mexico, p. 23) Chiapas' forests are also among the culinary preferences of the greedy hungry beast: whole woods are cut down by capitalism's chainsaws, and this precious wood is then shipped out of Chiapas to be sold elsewhere for huge profits. Similar histories could be told about honey, corn or hydrelectric energy - goods that Chiapas produces in large quantities, but get eaten away by this beastly creature which Marcos denounces and summons to answer: “what does the beast leave behind in exchange for all it takes away?” (pg. 24)

zapatismos

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CHAPTER II - THE TIME TO HARVEST REBELLION INSTEAD OF DEATH

John Lennon asked us in his era-defining song to “imagine a brotherhood of man”, but Chiapas isn't the place to look for it. It ain't brotherly treatment to exploit, repress and steal fellow humans – and that's what businessmen and fancy capitalists have been doing against the Chiapanecos. “1.000.000 indigenous people live in these lands and share a disorienting nightmare with mestizos and ladinos: their only option, 500 years after the “Meeting of Two Worlds”, is to die of poverty or repression.” (Marcos: p. 26)

There are 300.000 Tzotziles, 120.000 Choles, 90.000 Zoques, and 70.000 Tojoales, among other indigenous populations, that inhabit the land of the poorest state in Mexico. Chiapas could be rich, but it's wealth is sucked away and taken abroad, to bank accounts of greedy capitalists, and if you join the Zapatista up-rising against this reality you might end up killed by the repression. How many people has the Mexican Army killed in order to silence the voices that question the undoubtable goodness of the so-called “Free Market”? I leave the question unanswered, for now, and move on, from exploitation to rebellion.

At the dawn of the New Year, in January 1st 1994, the Zapatista National Liberation Army descended from the Lacandon Jungle to take over the power in several cities of Chiapas, including San Cristobal de Las Casas and Ocosingo. They believed to be “professionals of hope”, “transgressors of injustice”, “History's dispossessed”, finally raising their voices to demand liberty, justice, democracy, dignity. This is the moment when they became visible, when they stepped out of the shadows, when they shouted for the whole World to hear.
Captura de pantalla 2014-01-01 a las 13.58.30
January 1st, 1994: EZLN takes power over San Cristobal de las Casas. Photo by Antonio Turok.
“Death does not hurt; what hurts is to be forgotten. We discovered then that we longer existed, that those who govern had forgotten about us in their euphoria of statistics and growth rates. A country that forgets itself is a sad country. A country that forgets its past cannot have a future. And so we took up arms and went into the cities, where we were considered animals. We went and told the powerful: “We are here!” And to the whole country we shouted: “We are here!” And to all the world we yelled, “We are here!”...”
This movement is deeply rooted in History: far from being immediatist and pragmatic, the Zapatista movement demands respect for the rights of human populations who descend from the occupants of this land prior to the European's invasion. This scream of rebellion raises from an ocean of blood: the genocide of the Indians and the destruction of their civilizations is still an open wound in the Zapatistas hearts, and they won't allow the world to forget these past misdeeds. In January 1994, Subcomandante Insurgent Marcos reminded us than in Mexico
“during these past ten years (1984-1994), more than 150.000 indigenous have died of curable diseases. The federal, state, and municipal governments and their economic and social programs do not take into account any real solution to our problems; they limit themselves to giving us charity every time elections roll around. Charity resolves nothing but for the moment, and again death visits our homes. That is why we think no, no more; enough dying this useless death; it is better to fight for change. If we die now, it will not be with shame but with dignity, like our ancestors. We are ready to die, 150.000 more if necessary, so that our people awaken from this dream of deceit that holds us hostage.” (pg. 17)
Seen from the capitalists' perspective, there's a dispensable strata of the population labeled as “Indians” (so called because Columbus thought, more than 500 years ago, that the land where he had arrived was India...). “Check out the text of the Free Trade Agreement, and you will find that, for this government, the indigenous do not exist.” (p. 66) Social inequality and marginalized people go hand in hand in Mexico: “on a national level there are 2,403 municipalities. Of these, 1.153 have a level of marginalization considered high or very high. States with high indigenous population have the majority of their municipalities with high and very high levels of marginalization: 94 out of 111 in Chiapas; 59 out of 75 in Guerrero; 431 of 570 in Oaxaca...” (p. 67)

 For 10 years the Zapatista uprising had been fermenting in the woods, since 1984, and at the beginning of 1994 time had arrived for their voice to be heard, not only in Mexico, but throughout the world, amplified by the Internet, sending its shout throughout the Global Village.  One of the easiest ways to understand the emergence of Neo-Zapatism is to look at the consequences of the NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) agreement becoming active: free market had kicked out the barriers and products from abroad were about to flood into Mexico, like a tsunami, drowning out Mexican campesinos with the devastating power of a Dust Bowl Storm. The Zapatistas knew very well that NAFTA would certainly enrich some big corporations, mainly american and canadian, but would wreck the equilibrium of the local economies – especially in southeast Mexico. NAFTA was inforced with “dictatorial” fashion: it's a fact that neither civil society nor the indigenous populations of Mexico were consulted on the matter, even tough they would be tremendously affected by the transformations in the National Constitution.
 “The preparations for NAFTA included cancellation of Article 27 of Mexico's constitution, the cornerstone of Emiliano Zapata's revolution of 1910–1919. Under the historic Article 27, Indian communal landholdings were protected from sale or privatization. However, this barrier to investment was incompatible with NAFTA. With the removal of Article 27, Indian farmers feared the loss of their remaining lands, and also feared cheap imports (substitutes) from the US. Thus, the Zapatistas labeled NAFTA as a "death sentence" to Indian communities all over Mexico. Then EZLN declared war on the Mexican state on January 1, 1994, the day NAFTA came into force.” - Wikipédia

According to Marcos, NAFTA “only means freedom for the powerful to rob, and freedom for the dispossessed to live in misery.” (p. 73) We've heard this real-life story many times: everytime a Wal-Mart opens in a city, lots of smaller stores go bankrupt because they can't compete with Wal-Mart's prices. That's why it's possible to considerer EZLN as a movement demanding national sovereignty; from the Zapatistas perspective – which arises from the experience of thousands of Mexicans – what is called “neoliberalism” is just a fancy name for imperialist capitalism, for foreign domination, for the sad reality known for centuries in Latin America of wealth being robbed from a country and getting transformed in capital that enriches some big-shot abroad.

In Ana Carrigan's excellent article “Chiapas: The First Postmodern Revolution”, she reminds us that years before NAFTA forced itself into North America there was already a lot of rebellion by campesinos in Mexico: in April 10, 1992, for example, 4.000 indigenous campesinos marched to the country's capital and read a letter adressed to President Carlos Salinas, in which “they accuse him of having brought all gains of the agrarian reform made under Zapata to an end, of selling the country with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and of bringing Mexico back to the times of Porfirio Díaz.” (pg. 36)
tumblr_mpx6g1cDs31sz9br6o1_500
"You are in Zapatista territory: here the People rules and the Government obeys."
“The Zapatistas made their first, spectacular public appearance in San Cristobal de Las Casas. On October 12, 1992, amid demonstrations marking 'The Year of The Indian, 500 Years of Resistance', 4.000 young men and women armed with bows and arrows suddenly appeared out of the crowd. Marching in military formation, they advanced to the central plaza where they attacked the monument to the founder of San Cristobal, the 16th century Spanish encomendador, Diego de Mazariegos. As the symbol of 500 years of opression crashed from its pedestal, the Indians hacked it to pieces and pocketed the fragments before disappearing. In the annals of indigenous resistance, the toppling of Mazariego's statue had a symbolic resonance equivalent to the destruction of the Berlin Walls.” (ANA CARRIGAN)
The communities in Chiapas who have embraced the EZLN program were bound to clash with Mexican establishment. The powers that be, unbrotherly as usual, sent Army soldiers in great numbers in a bloody attempt to silence the rebels. As Juana Ponce de León states,
“for the government, the issue is simple. There are vast oil reserves, exotic wood, and uranium on the autonomous indigenous lands of Chiapas; the Mexican government wants them, but the indigenous communities, who have no currency in the world's markets, are in the way. While projecting through the national and international press an image of concern for the human rights issues and the intention to resolve them, the government orchestrates the privatization of the Mayan lands and a low-intensity war to weaken and divide the communities.” (Traveling Back for Tomorrow, XXV).

A graffiti at City Lights Books, Lawrence Ferlinghetti's bookstore in San Francisco
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You might also enjoy:

Galeano and Jean Ziegler discussing "The World's Criminal Order"
(In Spanish, Portuguese subs)

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PART II

tumblr_mza1plJijl1r6bofpo10_12805

CHAPTER III - THE CLASH BETWEEN OBLIVION AND MEMORY
“...there once was a man named Zapata who rose up with his people and sang out: 'Land and Freedom!' The campesinos say that Zapata didn't die, that he must return... They say that hope is also planted and harvested. They also say that the wind and the rain and the sun are now saying something different: that with so much poverty, the time has come to harvest rebellion instead of death.” - Sub Marcos, Our Word is Our Weapon: Selected Writings, pg. 33, Seven Stories Press. All following quotes are from this source.

ezln 1 (1)The Zapatistas know their task is Herculean: the Mexican federal Army, certainly backed-up by Washington and Wall Street, greatly outnumbers the army of the Zapatista rebels. The power of destruction of the Establish Capitalist Powers is crushing: they own the police and the prisons, and they pay the soldiers and militias to persecute the Mexicans who join EZLN. The defeat of this insurrectional movement is something that has been aimed at by established powers for the last 20 years - according to Marcos, the enemy would like to see “democracy washed with the detergent of imports and water from antidemonstration cannons.” (pg. 54)

In 1994 Mexico's president Carlos Salinas de Gortari is considered by EZLN as “the sales manager of a gigantic business: Mexico, Inc.” (pg. 63) Free Trade, for the Zapatistas, is nothing but capitalism's “law of the jungle”, and it generates a couple of millionaires while throwing millions into hunger, sickness and death. To use Occuppy Movement's imagery, the top of the social pyramid, the richest 1% of the country, don't give a fig about defending the rights of the Mexican people as a whole (the 99%): “the only country mentioned with sincerity on that increasingly narrow top floor is the country called money.” (pg. 63)  “On every street corner misery knocks on the windows of the car.” (pg. 64)

Even tough they see peace and social justice as an ideal to accomplish, the Zapatistas feel they would remain powerless if they were Gandhian pacifists. Thus they take arms, just like the guerrillas led by Fidel and Che in Sierra Maestra in late 1950's Cuba. EZLN, as the name itself sufficiently states, is an armed rebellion and doesn't comply with what Marcos called, in Aguascalientes, august 1994, “pacifist complicity with injustice” (p. 56) and “fraudulent unconditional pacifism” (p. 58)

EZLN is quite aware that military victory is rather unlikely against such a powerful army as that of Mexico's established powers, backed-up by Washington and Wall Street. So Marcos tends to underline the symbolical importance of the Zapatista's up-rising, its capacity to inspire similar movements throughout Latin America. The 4th Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, January 1996, states: “Brothers and sisters of other races and languages, of other colors, but with the same heart, now protect our light, and in it they drink of the same fire.” (p. 87)
“To confront an army superior to ours in weapons and personnel, although not in morality, nullifies the possibilities of sucess. But to surrender has been expressly forbidden; any Zapatista leaders who opt to surrender will be decommissioned. No matter the outcome of this war, sooner or later this sacrifice – which today appears useless and sterile to many – will be compensated by the lightning that will illuminate other lands. For sure, the light will reach deep into the South, shimmer in the Mar de Plata, in the Andes, in Paraguay, and the entirety of this inverted and absurd pyramid that is Latin America...” (74)
The future of Latin America lies not only in its ability to build international solidarity, planting the seeds of a future of social justice and true democracy, but also in its struggle against oblivion. The Zapatistas claim that memory has been progressively wipe-out by the forces of a capitalist production, distribution and consumption system that runs on shallow foresight and narrow hindsight. In other worlds: the system wants us to buy like crazy, and think only of immediate enjoyment of products sold in the markets, thus imposing to our minds oblivion of future and past generations. This is one of the most important ideas to understand if we want to grasp what these more than 20 years of the Neo Zapatista movement in Mexico means:

“On the side of oblivion are the multiple forces of the market. On the side of memory is history.” This thesis of the markets' attempted murder against memory is illustrated by the treatment conferred upon indigenous populations by capitalists and their accomplices among politicians. The Zapatistas are saying: the past is not to be forgotten, consumed down to ash, thrown in the garbage can, in order for us to “enjoy” the here-and-now of mass society, mass production, mass consumption, and mass ecological catastrophes. The Zapatistas see the past as “a guide to be learned from and upon which to grow”. The problem is:
“the past doesn't exist for technocrats, under whose rule our nation suffers. The future can be nothing more than a lengthening of the present for these professional amnesiacs. (...) What better example of this phobia of history is there than the attitude of the Mexican government toward the indigenous peoples? Are not the indigenous demands a worrisome stain on history, dimming the splendor of globalization? Is not the very existence of indigenous people an affront to the global dictatorship of the market?” (MARCOS, pg. 147)
The sad thing is: instead of learning from the past in order to build a better future, the authorities in charge of markets and governments complicit to them are basically waging war against those who are labeled by the repression forces and portrayed by the plutocratic media as "The Terrorists". The inner enemy. The war against the Zapatistas waged by the Mexican Federal Army, with the aid of the Yankees, is simply an attempt to silence by massmurder those who are demanding freedom, dignity, and social justice. In March, 1995, EZLN writes “to the people of Mexico and to the peoples of the world”:
“Our voice was silenced all at once by the noise of the machines of war. Terror was unleashed again in the Mexican lands by the one who, from arrogance and power, looks at us with contempt, denies our name, and gives us death in answer to our thought. (...) With the complicity of big money and a foreign vacation, he wanted to force us with bayonets to deny our history. (...) For that reason, our past went to the mountains. We went into the caves of those who came before us. Death cornered us... Death came to wield its knife-edged oblivion. It came to kill memory. Again, our hand filled with the fire to avenge our own pain, again being animals eating dirt, dying persecuted and forgotten.” (pg. 81)
The name Zapatistas then gains the meaning of a very powerful symbolical weapon: a “collective name”, that any individual can claim for himself, and by adhering to it he goes away from the forgetfullness that his individual self lies buried in.  A campesino who haves always felt as nobody, as one of the many who History will forget, now can call himself a Zapatista and thus believe he's part of a collective entity that won't be so easily brushed away to oblivion. Every zapatista will die, but zapatismo will live, beyond the duration of individual lives. When an individual leaps from being an unrelated isolated atom and joins his forces with the supra-individual movement, it's as if his heart has been connected to a vaster entity and now pulsates with a collective heart.
 “No longer are we the unmentionables. We the forgotten have a name. (...) Having now a collective name, we discovered that death shrinks and becomes small before us. The worst death, that of oblivion, flees so that the memory of our dead will never be buried together with their bones.(...) “They, our ancestors, taught us to be proud of the color of our skin, of our language, of our culture. More than 500 years of exploitation and persecution have not been able to exterminate us. (...) If they destroy us, the entire country will plummet and begin to wander without direction or roots... Mexico would negate its tomorrow by denying its yesterday.” (October 12, 1995, pg. 82-83)
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Copyleft material. Re-share and re-blog as much as you wish,
but please acknowledge Eduardo Carli de Moraes @ Awestruck Wanderer.

sábado, 8 de março de 2014

Mixtureba da Música Brasileira - Vol. 20 [Mixtape Depredando com Siba, Juçara Marçal, Blubell, Boogarins, Pullovers, Transmissor e mais...]





Cabou de sair no forno a 20ª edição de nossa já tradicional coleta-mixtureba só de música brasileira - nesta cyber-fita aqui compartilhada, destacamos faixas dos novos trabalhos de Juçara Marçal e Blubell Sim; ótimas novidades de Goiânia Rock City com Boogarins e Carne Doce; e ainda tem Siba, Transmissor, Castello Branco, Pullovers, Trupe Chá de Boldo (ao vivo no banheiro), e Sergio Sampaio. Suba o volume e boa viagem!

NO CARDÁPIO:

01) SIBA, "A Brisa"
02) JUÇARA MARÇAL, "A Velha da Capa Preta"
03) TRANSMISSOR, "Só Se For Domingo"
04) CASTELLO BRANCO, "Tem Mais Que Eu"
05) BLUBELL, "Blue"
06) BOOGARINS, "Erre"
07) PULLOVERS, "Tudo Q Sempre Sonhei"
08) CARNE DOCE, "Fruta Elétrica"
09) TRUPE CHÁ DE BOLDO, "Pirata" (Ao vivo no banheiro)
10) SÉRGIO SAMPAIO, "Rosa Púrpura de Cubatão"


Curtiu? Então compartilhe e prestigie o artista independente brazuca! Se quiser incluir esta playlist em seu blog, vá em frente (se não souber como conseguir o código, pergunte-me como.)

Evoé!

terça-feira, 25 de fevereiro de 2014

Hellbenders: potência do rock goiano lança seu primeiro álbum e videoclip

 HELLBENDERS - "Brand New Fear" (2014)

Furacão arrasa quarteirão

O rock’n’roll goiano, a cada novo festival, dá renovadas provas de sua força descomunal. No Vaca Amarela 2013, no redivivo Centro Cultural Martim Cererê (clássico espaço que enfim reabriu suas portas após anos fechado), o Hellbenders deu mais uma estrondosa demonstração de porque Goiânia Rock City é justamente considerada um dos epicentros do rock’n’roll brazuca. Penúltima das 46 bandas que tocaram na 12ª edição do festival produzido pela Fósforo Cultural, o quarteto fez mais um show arrebatador e impressionante diante de um séquito de fãs entusiásticos. O showzaço rendeu até um destaque para a banda na cobertura realizada pela revista Rolling Stone Brasil.


Integrando o cenário de rock “pauleira” e garageiro de Goiânia junto com MQN, Mechanics, Black Drawing Chalks, Overfuzz, Bang Bang Babies, dentre outros, o Hellbenders, apesar da juventude de seus membros, já tem muitos quilômetros rodados no cenário. Tocam com a segurança de uma banda já experiente, ciente de sua potência e feliz por estar entre amigos, respaldada ao redor do palco pelo apoio empolgado dos aliados. A impressão que fica é a de  uma banda muitíssimo bem ensaiada, mas que ao mesmo tempo sabe soltar a mão do volante do carro que desce a ladeira à toda velocidade: sem deixar que a música perca sua fluência e seu impacto, eles sabem deixar que eventualmente o descontrole tome conta e o caos mostre o seu charme. Afinal, rock and roll que não é sujo e perigoso não tem a mínima graça. O efeito é mais impactante do que assistir a um filme-catástrofe hollywoodiano e o Hellbenders, sem grandes efeitos especiais, soa como um autêntico arrasa-quarteirão.

Brand New Fear (2013), primeiro álbum dos caras, foi produzido pelo gabaritado Carlos Eduardo Miranda e gravado no estúdio Rocklab (o mesmo onde nasceram grandes gravações de Black Drawing Chalks, Macaco Bong, Violins etc.). Com influências de Kyuss, Mastodon, Blue Cheer, Grand Funk Railroad,  Queens of the Stone Age e Motörhead, dentre muitas outras, o disco traz 10 petardos fortes, viscerais, explosivos Mal foi lançado e já é um marco para o rock goiano (e brasileiro) neste jovem século 21. E com potencial de ser reconhecido pelos gringos como um marco também no cenário stoner internacional.

No Vaca Amarela 2013, o Hellbenders contou com participação especial. Diogo (vox), Brazs (vox/gtr) e Rodrigo (batera) foram acompanhados por Augusto (vulgo Chita), guitarrista da finada banda Mugo, que chegou para substituir Vitor Noah em alguns shows.

Tocar com o volume no talo e a distorção no máximo já é meio-caminho andado para uma banda de rock sujo-encardido como o Hellbenders. Mas o que realmente faz a diferença neste caso é a sensacional pegada e garra de que estes caras são dotados. 99% dos jogadores de futebol do mundo, principalmente aqueles que sofrem com excesso de estrelismo, poderiam aprender um bocado vendo um show do Hellbenders: vão com tudo ao ataque, suam a camisa até o último segundo e dão a impressão de que sempre jogam pra ganhar de goleada. Não há ninguém no público que volte para casa com a sensação de que os músicos estavam se economizando, poupando energias, guardando cartas na manga. Cada música é tocada com o ímpeto de quem deseja marcar um golaço.

Hellbenders (da esq. pra dir.): Braz Torres (gtr/vox), Diogo Fleury (gtr/vox), Augusto Scartezini (bass) e Rodrigo Andrade (batera).


Quando Hurricane chegou para encerrar o show galopante da banda, o público viu-se envolvido por uma farra selvagem que realmente se assemelha à passagem de um furacão. O Hellbenders, em cima do palco, é um fenômeno da natureza semelhante a uma tempestade repleta de trovões e relâmpagos: são gigantescas quantias de energias em impressionantes descargas elétricas. Outburst. E não seria exagero dizer que o grupo rivaliza em estrondo com o Katrina – e o melhor é que o público em Goiânia Rock City agradece com entusiasmo pelos cabelos que são desgrenhados e pelos tímpanos que serão avassalados pela passagem desse twister de som (o que não se pode dizer da devastada New Orleans, que clama para jamais voltar a ser tão massacrada quanto foi na catástrofe de 2005).

A banda, à vontade no palco tão familiar do Martim Cererê, apresentou-se no Vaca Amarela 2013 deixando na platéia muitos pescoços aos frangalhos, de tanto headbanging, mas também muitos sorrisos de orelha-a-orelha nos rostos dos presentes. E quase todos saíram dali molhados – de suor, de água ou de cerveja. Tanto que não faltaram líquidos jorrando do palco para o público, e do público para o palco, incluindo cataratas etílicas que caíram sobre a cabeça dos músicos como um refrescante presente do “padrinho” Fabrício Nobre. Eis um show, enfim, que funciona como um rito coletivo onde o rock’n'roll age como uma purificadora catarse e uma tempestade de raw power. Pra resumir a ópera, eu diria que a poderosa massa de som que explode dos alto-falantes em um show do Hellbenders nos faz experimentar sensações similares àquelas que sentiram aqueles que estavam presentes ao concerto do MC5 que gerou o clássico álbum Kick Out The Jams. Poucas bandas no Brasil chutam o balde com tanta classe.


Stephen Malkmus & The Jicks - ao vivo no Lee's Palace (Toronto), Fevereiro de 2014



A noite estava gelada, com os termômetros bem abaixo de zero e as calçadas escorregadias com tanta neve derretendo, mas me escudei contra a friaca atrás de vários agasalhos e encarei o monstro do inverno canadense pra ir pela primeira vez ao Lee's Palace, na Bloor St., um pub com um certo charme punk e que talvez mereça o título de "O CBGB's de Toronto". Após anos ouvindo e curtindo o som do lendário Pavement - em especial aqueles que considero obras-primas (da banda e do rock alternativo nos 90), "Crooked Rain" e "Wowee Zowee" - era chegada a hora de ver em carne-e-osso uma lenda-viva do indie-rock internacional.

 À frente de sua nova banda, o The Jicks, Stephen Malkmus está não só à vontade e cheio de alegria: ele parece estar entre amigos, curtindo a viagem. O sujeito é tão prolífico, produz novo material com tamanha facilidade, que já gravou mais álbuns de estúdio com o The Jicks do que com o Pavement (que acabou após 5 discos); o clima das duas bandas, porém, é bem semelhante e dá pra dizer que Malkmus oferece "mais do mesmo" - o que não é um problema, se este "mesmo" é algo de extraordinário transformado em experiência cotidiana.

 Malkmus hoje já é um quarentão, mas continua com pique intacto: seus vocais à la Lou Reed prosseguem tendo um certo charme new wave (um certo sabor de Undertones ou de Elvis Costello); as letras espertinhas e cheias de gírias não estão distantes do que o Beck costumava fazer lá na fase Odelay, e Malkmus tem o dom para fazer um "rap de branquelo" por cima de um instrumental de guitarband noventista; e as guitarradas são pra tímpano nenhum botar defeito: ao vivo, Malkmus & The Jicks soam estrondosos como um Dinosaur Jr ou um Built to Spill....

 Bem-humorado e cheio-de-graça, Malkmus também se arrisca como stand-up comedian, e com bons resultados; no show, se derreteu em elogios à terrinha que deu ao mundo "Neil Young, Sloan e a cerveja Moosehead" ("thank you, Canada!"). Quando a bela baixista reclamou que o público da noite era muito masculino, e que só se ouviam marmanjos cantando junto, Malkmus mandou: "Ora, mas somos todos mulheres no indie rock..." Cerca de 1.000 pessoas lotavam o Lee's Palace neste sábado memorável, e com certeza a grande maioria voltou pra casa bem satisfeita com o banquete musical servido por Mr. Malkmus e Cia. Na sequência, compartilho o vídeo que fiz registrando cerca de 15 minutos do show - editado na correria, mas tá valendo como souvenir:

 

quarta-feira, 19 de fevereiro de 2014

Especial Angela Davis: a juventude como força política, o encarceramento em massa nos EUA, a exploração de mão-de-obra barata pelas grandes corporações transnacionais, dentre outros temas...

Power
Art by Shepard Fairey
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Angela Davis
ANGELA DAVIS in The Meaning of Freedom.

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018_angela_davis_theredlist
"Beware of those leaders and theorists who eloquently rage against white supremacy but identify black gay men and lesbians as evil incarnate. Beware of those leaders who call upon us to protect our young black men but will beat their wives and abuse their children and will not support a woman's right to reproductive autonomy. Beware of those leaders! And beware of those who call for the salvation of black males but will not support the rights of Caribbean, Central American, and Asian immigrants, or who think that struggles in Chiapas or in Northern Ireland are unrelated to black freedom! Beware of those leaders!
Regardless of how effectively (or inneffectively) veteran activists are able to engage with the issues of our times, there is clearly a paucity of young voices associated with black political leadership. The relative invisibility of youth leadership is a crucial example of this crisis in contemporary black social movements. On the other hand, within black popular culture, youth are, for better or for worse, helping to shape the political vision of their contemporaries. Many young black performers are absolutely brilliant. Not only are they musically dazzing, they are also trying to put forth anti-racist and anti-capitalist critiques. I'm thinking, for example, about Nefertiti, Arrested Development, The Fugees, and Michael Franti..."
Listen to Fugee's The Score (Full Album)
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"There are already one million in prison in the United States. This does not include the 500.000 in city and county jails, the 600.000 on parole, and the 3 million people on probation. It also does not include the 60.000 young people in juvenile facilities, which is to say, there are presently more than FIVE MILLION people either incarcerated, on parole, or on probation... Not only is the duration of imprisonment drastically extended, it is rendered more repressive than ever. Within some state prison systems, weights have even been banned. Having spent time in several jails myself, I know how important it is to exercise the body as well as the mind. The barring of higher education and weight sets implies the creation of an incarcerated society of people who are worth little  more than trash to the dominant culture.
Who is benefiting from these ominous new developments? There is already something of a boom in the prison construction industry. New architectural trends that recapitulate old ideas about incarceration such as Jeremy Bentham's panopticon have produced the need to build new jails and prisons - both public and private prisons. And there is the dimension of the profit drive, with its own exploitative, racist component. It's also important to recognize that the steadily growing trend of privatization of U.S. jails and prisons is equally menacing... We therefore ask: How many more black bodies will be sacrified on the altar of law and order?
The prison system as a whole serves as an apparatus of racist and political repression... the fact that virtually everyone behind bars was (and is) poor and that a disproportionate number of them were black and Latino led us [the activists] to think about the more comprehensive impact of punishment on communities of color and poor communities in general. How many rich people are in prison? Perhaps a few here and there, many of whom reside in what we call country club prisons. But the vast majority of prisoners are poor people. A disproportionate number of those poor people were and continue to be people of color, people of African descent, Latinos, and Native Americans.
Some of you may know that the most likely people to go to prison in this country today are young African American men. In 1991, the Sentencing Project released a report indicating that 1 in 4 of all young black men between the ages of 18 and 24 were incarcerated in the United States. 25% is an astonishing figure. That was in 1991. A few years later, the Sentencing Project released a follow-up report revealing that within 3 or 4 years, the percentage had soared to over 32%. In other words, approximately one-third of all young black men in this country are either in prison or directly under the supervision and control of the criminal justice system. Something is clearly wrong."
 (pg. 25, 27 and 38)
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"When a child's life is forever  arrested by one of the gunshots that are heard so frequently in poor black and Latino communities, parents, teachers, and friends parede in demonstrations bearing signs with the slogan 'STOP THE VIOLENCE.' Those who live with the daily violence associated with drug trafficking and increasing use of dangerous weapons by youth are certainly in need of immediate solutions to these problems. But the decades-old law-and-order solutions will hardly bring peace to poor black and Latino communities. Why is there such a paucity of alternatives? Why the readiness to take on a discourse and entertain policies and ideological strategies that are so laden with racism?
Ideological racism has begun to lead a secluded existence. It sequesters itself, for example, within the concept of crime. (...) I, for one, am of the opinion that we will have to renounce jails and prisons as the normal and unquestioned approaches to such social problems as drug abuse, unemployment, homelessness, and illiteracy. (...) When abolitionists raise the possibility of living without prisons, a common reaction is fear - fear provoked by the prospect of criminals pouring out of prisons and returning to communities where they may violently assault people and their property. It is true that abolitionists want to dismantle structures of imprisonment, but not without a process that calls for building alternative institutions. It is not necessary to address the drug problem, for example, within the criminal justice system. It needs to be separated from the criminal justice system. Rehabilitation is not possible within the jail and prison system.
We have to learn how to analyze and resist racism even in contexts where people who are targets and victims of racism commit acts of harm against others. Law-and-order discourse is racist, the existing system of punishment has been deeply defined by historical racism. Police, courts, and prisons are dramatic examples of institutional racism. Yet this is not to suggest that people of color who commits acts of violence against other human beings are therefore innocent. This is true of brothers and sisters out in the streets as well as those in the high-end suites... A victim of racism can also be a perpetrator of sexism. And indeed, a victim of racism can be a perpetrator of racism as well. Victimization can no longer be permitted to function as a halo of innocence."
(pg. 29 - 31)
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A Shepard Fairey exhibition
"Black people have been on the forefront of radical and revolutionary movements in this country for several centuries. (...) Not all of us have given up hope for revolutionary change. Not all of us accept the notion of capitalist inevitability based on the collapse of socialism. Socialism of a certain type did not work because of irreconcilable internal contradictions. Its structures have fallen. But to assume that capitalism is triumphant is to use a simplistic boxing-match paradigm. Despite its failure to build lasting democratic sctructures, socialism nevertheless demonstrated its superiority over capitalism on several accounts: the ability to provide free education, low-cost housing, jobs, free child care, free health care, etc. This is precisely what is needed in U.S. black communities... and among poor people in general. Harlem furnishes us with a dramatic example of the future of late capitalism and compelling evidence of the need to reinvigorate socialist democratic theory and practise - for the sake of our sisters and brothers who otherwise will be thrown into the dungeons of the future, and indeed, for the sake of us all.
During the McCarthy era, communism was established as the enemy of the nation and came to be represented as the enemy of the "free world". During the 1950s, when membership in the Communist Party of U.S.A. was legally criminalized, many members were forced underground and/or were sentenced to many years in prison. In 1969, when I was personally targeted by anti-communist furor, black activists in such organizations as the Black Panther Party were also singled out. As a person who represented both the communist threat and the black revolutionary threat, I became a magnet for many forms of violence... If we can understand how people could be led to fear communism in such a visceral way, it might help us to apprehend the ideological character of the fear of the black criminal today.
The U.S. war in Vietnam lasted as long as it did because it was fueled by a public fear of communism. The government and the media led the public to believe that the Vietnamese were their enemy, as if it were the case that the defeat of the racialized communist enemy in Vietnam would ameliorate U.S. people's lives and make them feel better about themselves..."
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angela-davis-poster
"The connection between the criminalization of young black people and the criminalization of immigrants are not random. In order to understand the structural connections that tie these two forms of criminalization together, we will have to consider the ways in which global capitalism has transformed the world. What we witnessed at the close of the 20th century is the growing power of a circuit of transnational corporations that belong to no particular nation-state, that are not expected to respect the laws of any given nation-state, and that move across borders at will in perpetual search of maximizing profits.
Let me tell you a story about my personal relationship  with one of these transnational corporations - Nike. My first pair of serious running shoes were Nikes. Over the years I became so attached to Nikes that I convinced myself that I could not run without wearing them. But once I learned about the conditions under which these shoes are produced, I could not in good conscience buy another pair of their running shoes. It may be true that Michael Jordan and Tiger Woods had multimillion-dollar contracts with Nike, but in Indonesia and Vietnam Nike has been creating working conditions that, in many respects, resemble slavery.
nike2
Not long ago there was an investigation of the Nike factory in Ho Chi Minh City, and it was discovered that the young women who work in Nike's sweatshops there were paid less than the minimum wage in Vietnam, which is only U$2.50 a day... Consider what you pay for Nikes and the vast differential between the price and the workers' wages. This differential is the basis for Nike's rising profits. (...) If you read the entire report, you will be outraged to learn of the abominable treatment endured by the young women and girls who produce the shoes and the apparel we wear. The details of the report include the fact that during an 8-hour shift, workers are able to use the toilet just once, and they are prohibited from drinking water more than twice. There is sexual harrasment, inadequate health care, and excessive overtime... Perhaps we need to discuss the possibility of an organized boycott... but given the global reach of corporations like Nike, we need to think about a global boycott.
Corporations move to developing countries because it is extremely profitable to pay workers U$2.50 a day or less in wages. That's U$2.50  a day, not U$2.50 a hour, which would still be a pittance. (...) The corporations that have migrated to Mexico, Vietnam, and other Third World countries also often end up wreaking havoc on local economies. They create cash economies that displace subsistence economies and produce artificial unemployment. Overall, the effect of capitalist corporations colonizing Third World countries is one of pauperization. These corporations create poverty as surely as they reap rapacious profits."
(pg. 44-46)
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You might also like:
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meaning
All quotes in this post from...
Angela Y. Davis (1944 - ) 
The Meaning of Freedom
And Other Difficult Dialogues
San Francisco, California. 2012.